Translation paper

The Individual or the Group: A Multilevel Analysis of Cyberbullying in School Classes

Ruth Festl1, Michael Scharkow2, & Thorsten Quandt3

1 Department of Communication, University of Hohenheim, 70599 Stuttgart, Germany 2 Department of Communication, University of Hohenheim, 70599 Stuttgart, Germany 3 Department of Communication, University of Münster, 48143 Münster, Germany

In this study, we focus on the relevance of social influence to explain cyberbullying expe- riences among German high school students. Social influence is discussed in the context of computer-mediated communication. To obtain individual and sociostructural data, we conducted a survey study among German high school students (N = 4,282). Using multi- level modeling, we found that the attributes of the school class only contributed to the risk of being involved in cyberbullying to a small extent. Still, procyberbullying norms in class did enhance the risk of perpetration and victimization for students, even more so than their individual beliefs. Previous experiences with bullying and intensive, unrestricted use of the Internet were the strongest individual predictors of cyberbullying involvement.

Keywords: Cyberbullying, Computer-Mediated Communication, Social Norms, Peer Influence, Multilevel Analysis, Social Network Analysis.

doi:10.1111/hcre.12056

Recent reviews and meta-analyses of cyberbullying show that up to now, most studies have focused on psychological aspects and individual beliefs and attitudes (e.g., Slonje, Smith, & Frisen, 2013; Smith, 2012; Tokunaga, 2010). However, cyberbullying is by definition a social phenomenon: Following the description of traditional bullying by Olweus (1993) and Smith, Mahdavi, Carvalho, Fisher, and Russell (2008, p. 376), for example, define cyberbullying as “an aggressive, intentional act carried out by a group or individual, using electronic forms of contact, repeatedly and over time against a victim who cannot easily defend him or herself.” Moreover, like traditional bullying, cyberbullying frequently occurs between people who know each other outside the online context. Previous findings regarding cyberbullying show that the perpetrators and victims often know each other and come from the same school (Dehue, Bolman, & Völlink, 2008; Slonje & Smith, 2008). These parallels imply that attributes of the school class may not only be important in context of traditional bullying, but also in terms of explaining cyberbullying involvement.

Corresponding author: Ruth Festl; e-mail: ruth.festl@uni-hohenheim.de

Human Communication Research 41 (2015) 535–556 © 2014 International Communication Association 535

Social Influence on Cyberbullying Involvement R. Festl et al.

Traditional bullying research already includes a large number of studies that pro- vide a sociostructural perspective on the phenomenon (e.g., Salmivalli, Huttunen, & Lagerspetz, 1997; Salmivalli, Lagerspetz, Björkqvist, Österman, & Kaukiainen, 1996). These approaches refer to different kinds of direct or indirect forms of social influ- ence within classrooms. Regarding the concept of indirect social influence, a certain amount of social resources are expected to enable or favor the perpetration of deviant behavior. This line of social influence was especially discussed in traditional aggres- sion research in terms of a person’s social position (see Neal, 2010). Direct social influence was not only considered in terms of injunctive classroom norms (classmates’ expectations about the acceptability of bullying, e.g., Salmivalli & Voeten, 2004), but also in terms of the actual behavior of relevant others (“descriptive norms,” e.g., Mout- tapa, Valente, Gallaher, Rohrbach, & Unger, 2004). However, this socio-structural line of research has only rarely been transferred to the context of cyberbullying.

When analyzing the role of classroom norms in the context of cyberbullying involvement, this local social influence appears in a more global, anonymous online environment. Previous studies have generally confirmed that, based on communica- tion and interaction, a strong social identity can also develop in computer-mediated groups in which visually anonymous individuals can easily exchange messages (e.g., Postmes, Spears, & Lea, 2000). Following the Social Identity Model of Deindividuation Effects (SIDE; Spears & Lea, 1994), social norms in these groups may exert a strong influence on the behavior of the members. Thus, an online environment without direct physical contact does not negate the forms of normative behavior; online communication and behavior can be even more strongly guided by social mecha- nisms than the individual features of the people involved. Moreover, Postmes et al. (2000) found that even preexisting groups, such as school classes, develop new ways of interacting when they enter a mediated context, which may dramatically change group dynamics and the social identity of its members.

Summarizing these considerations, we expected that individual beliefs and attributes, which have been the focus of most previous studies on cyberbullying, are even less salient in an online communicational environment, where cyberbullying behavior usually takes place. Following the general assumptions of SIDE theory, a sociostructural perspective may be a more promising approach when explaining cyberbullying experiences. In the present study, we therefore focus on the relevance of (injunctive and descriptive) classroom norms to explain cyberbullying experiences among German high school students. We analyze the role of sociostructural factors on cyberbullying involvement as compared to individual aspects, such as attitudes and personal experiences.

Previous research on cyberbullying

The individual level of influence Previous research on cyberbullying has mainly concentrated on the individual—for example, how differences in personality, attitude, experience, and Internet use relate to

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R. Festl et al. Social Influence on Cyberbullying Involvement

cyberbullying behavior. Many of these individual factors can be confirmed as relevant levels of influence when explaining perpetration and victimization via the Internet (see Table 1).

Summarizing the previous findings, older adolescents seem especially likely to engage in cyberbullying, whereas there are no consistent results regarding gender dif- ferences as of yet. In line with the general findings on offline and computer-mediated behavior (see Reich, Subrahmanyam, & Espinoza, 2012), a strong overlap between traditional bullying and cyberbullying could be identified. This may be due to the basic underlying probullying attitudes that have previously been identified as relevant predictors of cyberperpetration (Salmivalli & Voeten, 2004). A strong influence of previous experiences was also identified by Walrave and Heirman (2009). They found that students who already perpetrated cyberbullying were also more likely to be vic- timized in the Internet. And, reversely, cybervictims had a higher risk of becoming a cyberbully. This might reflect general tendencies and motives of retaliation within the context of cyberbullying. However, these results were detected in a cross-sectional design, so that statements on causality could not be answered.

Only a few studies have analyzed the communication conditions and situations in which cyberbullying takes place. Slonje and Smith (2008) found that about one-third of victims did not know the gender and age of their bullies and that only 10% of the perpetrators were not from the same school. However, Dehue et al. (2008) also showed that although bully and victim typically attend the same school, most of the attacks are perpetrated from home, either alone or, to a lesser extent, with friends. Because many schools restrict the use of the Internet (see Smith et al., 2008), the perpetration of cyberbullying from home is not very surprising.

The relevance of the communication channel in the context of cyberbullying is also reflected by findings concerning adolescents’ Internet use. An obvious factor influencing cyberbullying is time spent online (e.g., Festl & Quandt, 2013; Walrave & Heirman, 2009). More intensive use of the Internet increases the risk of being involved in cyberbullying. However, some researchers contend that mere exposure is not con- vincing as a causal factor, especially for adolescents who are surrounded by digital media in their everyday lives (see Lenhart, Purcell, Smith, & Zickuhr, 2010).

In contrast, specific content-related aspects of media use are considered more important in explaining risk behavior online. Livingstone, Haddon, Görzig, and Olaf- sson (2011) showed that not only intensive use but also a varied array of online activ- ities affects the perpetration of risky online behavior. Other studies confirmed that the social features of the Internet, such as chat rooms and social network sites, are associated with a high risk of cyberbullying involvement (Walrave & Heirman, 2009; Ybarra & Mitchell, 2008).

Finally, the various opportunities for risky Internet behavior also depend on access to the actual equipment needed. Walrave and Heirman (2009) analyzed these media use conditions and found that perpetrators and victims slightly (but not significantly) more often than not had their own computers and could use them with little or no family supervision. Moreover, the distribution of mobile phones among

Human Communication Research 41 (2015) 535–556 © 2014 International Communication Association 537

Social Influence on Cyberbullying Involvement R. Festl et al.

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