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WHAT CONDITIONS UNDERLAY THE CONCEPT OF MANIFEST DESTINY, AND WHAT WERE ITS IMPLICATIONS UP TO 1854?

WHAT CONDITIONS UNDERLAY THE CONCEPT OF MANIFEST DESTINY, AND WHAT WERE ITS IMPLICATIONS UP TO 1854?

Answer the following question with a thoughtful, carefully constructed essay in response (minimum of four double-spaced pages with 12pt font and one-inch margins).
Be sure the essay begins with good thesis statement, and make sure that each subsequent paragraph supports this thesis with evidence from the course readings. In this assignment, you will be asked to include at least seven quotations from the course reading materials. Using quotations skillfully is challenging.
Use only the course readings to answer the question – no outside sources are required or necessary.
Save the document frequently while writing.
Use clear, error-free, and effective writing technique. The quality of writing will be a factor in the grade.
Use Chicago/Turabian style (Links to an external site.), MLA, or APA or parenthetical format. Be sure to proofread the essay before submitting.
Late essays will be penalized 10points for every 24/hour period late.
Here is the essay assignment: ( Note there is a sample essay at the bottom of this assignment and you are welcome to use additional sources included in this module.)
Question:
What conditions underlay the concept of Manifest Destiny, and what were its implications up to 1854? Be sure to include discussion of all of the bulleted points
The American System
Decimation of Native American culture
The Market Revolution
The Mexican War
Proponents and opponents of Manifest Destiny.
The Explosion of the Slave Question (including the Missouri Compromise, Compromise of 1850, and the Kansas Nebraska Act)
In addition, be sure to incorporate supporting evidence from at least three of the attached primary document or those listed in this module. ( Module 13)
OK, good luck, and happy writing! Sharon
Document A
John OSullivan, “Territorial Aggrandizement,” United States Magazine and Democratic Review 17, no.1 (October 1845)
It is time now for opposition to the Annexation of Texas to cease, all further agitation of the waters of bitterness and strife, at least in connection with this question . . . It is time for the common duty of Patriotism to the Country to succeed;— if this claim will not be recognized, it is at least time for common sense to acquiesce with decent grace in the inevitable and the irrevocable.
Texas is now ours. Already, before these words are written, her Convention has undoubtedly ratified the acceptance, by her Congress, of our proffered invitation into the Union; and made the requisite changes in her already republican form of constitution to adopt it to its future federal relations. Her star and her stripe may already be said to have taken their place in the glorious blazon of our common nationality; and the sweep of our eagles wing already includes within its circuit the wide extent of her fair and fertile land. . . .
Why, were other reasoning wanting, in favor of now elevating this question of the reception of Texas into the Union, out of the lower region of our past party dissensions, up to its proper level of a high and broad nationality, it surely is to be found, found abundantly, in the manner in which other nations have undertaken to intrude themselves into it, between us and the proper parties to the case, in a spirit of hostile interference against us, for the avowed object of thwarting our policy and hampering our power, limiting our greatness and checking the fulfillment of our manifest destiny to overspread the continent allotted by Providence for the free development of our yearly multiplying millions. This we have seen done by England, our old rival and enemy; and by France, strangely coupled with her against us. . . .
It is wholly untrue, and unjust to ourselves, the pretense that the Annexation has been a measure of spoliation, unrightful and unrighteous— military conquest under forms of peace and law— territorial aggrandizement at the expense of justice, and justice due by a double sanctity to the weak. This view of the question is wholly unfounded, and has been before so amply refuted in these pages, as well as in a thousand other modes, that we shall not again dwell upon it. The independence of Texas was complete and absolute. It was an independence, not only in fact but of right. No obligation of duty towards Mexico tended in the least degree to restrain our right to effect the desired recovery of the fair province once our own—
Document B: N. Currier (firm), cartoon, “An available candidate — the one qualification for a Whig presidency” (1848) (In Module 13 Readings)

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